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區域貿易協定議題的工會參與分析;區域貿易協定議題的工會參與分析

Tue, 20 Oct 2026 07:36:13 GMT

title: 區域貿易協定議題的工會參與分析;區域貿易協定議題的工會參與分析 abstract: 在區域貿易協定逐漸納入勞動專章、公眾參與與爭端解決機制的背景下，工會不再只是被動承受貿易自由化結果的組織，而是可能在協定準備、協商與監督過程中形成政策影響力的利害關係人。本文以我國工會會員與工會代表為分析對象，透過問卷調查蒐集兩組受訪者之實證資料，檢視其對區域貿易協定、貿易自由化及勞動專章之認知程度、勞動權益理解、勞資溝通經驗、參與態度與政府協助需求，並比較兩者之間的認知與需求差異。研究發現，工會會員與工會代表對貿易協定及勞動專章的理解皆有明顯不足，且兩者之間存在結構性落差。工會會員較常以一般勞動權益、職業訓練、工資工時等貼近工作現場的面向理解貿易協定影響；工會代表則較能指認勞動專章、結社自由、勞資關係及制度執行機制等面向。在勞資溝通與團體協商方面，兩組受訪者皆反映制度化對話基礎薄弱；在參與意願上，多數呈現條件式參與態度，且代表端之會務資源投入受限於常態會務負擔。此外，兩組受訪者對政府協助之需求雖皆集中於政策宣導與反映管道，但代表更重視制度性支援，會員則同時關注經濟性補助。綜合問卷分析結果，本文歸納我國工會參與區域貿易協定之主要限制為六項相互連動之條件：資訊接近、議題理解、權益轉譯、勞資溝通、組織資源與外部支援。此等限制並非單純來自參與意願不足，而是反映工會在資訊取得、內部溝通、協商基礎及制度性管道等面向之結構性不足。;As regional trade agreements increasingly incorporate labor chapters， public participation mechanisms， and dispute settlement procedures， trade unions are no longer merely passive recipients of trade liberalization outcomes but rather potential stakeholders capable of exerting policy influence during the preparation， negotiation， and monitoring stages of such agreements. This study examines union members and union representatives in Taiwan as its two analytical groups， collecting empirical data from both groups through a questionnaire survey to assess their levels of awareness regarding regional trade agreements， trade liberalization， and labor chapters， as well as their understanding of labor rights implications， experiences with labor-management communication， attitudes toward participation， and demands for government assistance. The study further compares the differences in perceptions and needs between the two groups. The findings reveal that both union members and union representatives demonstrate significant deficiencies in their understanding of trade agreements and labor chapters， with a structural gap existing between the two groups. Union members tend to comprehend the impacts of trade agreements through dimensions closely tied to the workplace， such as general labor rights， vocational training， and wages and working hours. Union representatives， by contrast， are more capable of identifying dimensions related to labor chapters， freedom of association， labor-management relations， and institutional enforcement mechanisms. Regarding labor-management communication and collective bargaining， both groups reflect a weak foundation for institutionalized dialogue. In terms of willingness to participate， the majority exhibit conditional participation attitudes， and representatives′ allocation of organizational resources is constrained by routine union affairs. Furthermore， although both groups concentrate their demands for government assistance on policy dissemination and feedback channels， representatives place greater emphasis on institutional support， while members simultaneously express concern for economic subsidies. Based on a comprehensive analysis of the questionnaire results， this study identifies six interconnected conditions as the primary constraints on Taiwanese unions′ participation in regional trade agreements: access to information， issue comprehension， rights translation， labor-management communication， organizational resources， and external support. These constraints do not stem simply from a lack of willingness to participate but rather reflect structural insufficiencies in unions′ capacity for information acquisition， internal communication， bargaining foundations， and institutional channels.

我國中小學不適任教師處理之研究-以高級中等以下學校解聘不續聘停聘或資遣辦法為核心;The Study on the Handling of Unfit Teachers in Primary and Secondary Schools in Taiwan: Focusing on the Regulations Governing the Dismissal， Non-Renewal of Contract， Suspension， or Discharge of Teachers in Schools at the Senior High School Level and Below

Tue, 20 Oct 2026 07:36:11 GMT

title: 我國中小學不適任教師處理之研究-以高級中等以下學校解聘不續聘停聘或資遣辦法為核心;The Study on the Handling of Unfit Teachers in Primary and Secondary Schools in Taiwan: Focusing on the Regulations Governing the Dismissal， Non-Renewal of Contract， Suspension， or Discharge of Teachers in Schools at the Senior High School Level and Below abstract: 為回應社會各界對於積極處理不適任教師之強烈期待，立法院於民國108年大幅修正教師法，並由教育部訂定「高級中等以下學校解聘不續聘停聘或資遣辦法」（下稱中小學解聘辦法），建構以校事會議為核心之不適任教師處理機制。該辦法自2020年訂立後，歷經2024年、2026年數次修正，惟其於組織面與程序面所存之缺失，迄今未獲根本解決。本文以經校事會議分流處理之教師解聘、不續聘、停聘事件之組織及程序為研究對象，著重檢討程序進行中當事人校內與校外救濟權利是否充分，並提出制度修正建議。　　本文之問題意識計分三端。其一為組織體之間功能重疊與不足的問題，負責處理案件受理的受理會議，其審查效能不足且人員重複率過高；校事會議在功能上與受理會議產生部分重疊的同時，條文規範上亦存有規範未清楚之處，從而導致校事會議審議功能可能受侷限的疑慮。其二為當事人救濟權利不充分問題，於校內，因中小學解聘辦法第22條第3項使校事會議調查小組之事實認定拘束及於教師評審委員會，致教評會無從變動其認定，復因欠缺申復機制，當事人於校內無從主動發動救濟；於校外，主管機關之退回重查僅屬被動式職權發動，當事人並無申請管道，加以行政法院援引司法院大法官解釋第553號、第736號解釋意旨，以案件具高度屬人性及專業性為由賦予判斷餘地、採取低密度審查，致事實認定此一關鍵環節於校內無退回之通道、於校外復未受實質檢驗。其三為程序瑕疵問題，中小學解聘辦法於排除當事人對質詰問權之同時，未設置任何替代程序以彌補其防禦機能之喪失；陳述意見權方面，調查小組「視需要」訪談當事人之規定亦留有得不予詢問之疏漏。　　研究方法上，本文以文獻分析法及法學方法論為主，運用文義、體系、法意及合憲等法律解釋方法，並輔以價值補充與漏洞補充，分析中小學解聘辦法之規範意旨與缺漏；於程序面之檢討，則以性別平等教育法及校園性別事件防治準則所建構之組織構成及當事人主動救濟制度為對照參考。　　基於上述分析，本文提出之修正建議如下：於實體面，主張將「教學不力」之認定基準提升至法律位階，於教師法第16條明定授權依據以符合法律保留原則，並透過分級化設計使受理會議之篩選有清楚之判斷依據，兼收降低濫訴之效；於程序面，主張為當事人設置對質詰問權之替代程序，並將陳述意見權之保障予以強制化；於救濟面，主張借鑑性別平等教育法之申復機制，賦予當事人主動發動事實認定再審查之管道，並認行政法院對於此類影響教師工作權甚鉅之案件，不應一律以判斷餘地為由略過事實認定之實質審查，而應提高審查密度，俾當事人受憲法第16條保障之訴訟權得以落實。;In response to strong societal expectations for the active handling of unfit teachers， the Legislative Yuan substantially amended the Teachers′ Act in 2019 (108th year of the Republic)， and the Ministry of Education promulgated the Regulations Governing the Dismissal， Non-Renewal of Appointment， Suspension， or Discharge of Teachers at Senior High Schools and Below (hereinafter "the Dismissal Regulations")， thereby establishing a mechanism for handling unfit teachers centered on the School Affairs Meeting. Since their enactment in 2020， these Regulations have undergone several amendments in 2024 and 2026; nonetheless， the deficiencies inherent in their organizational and procedural dimensions remain fundamentally unresolved to this day. Taking as its object of study the organization and procedure governing teacher dismissal， non-renewal， and suspension cases that have been triaged through the School Affairs Meeting， this thesis focuses on examining whether the parties′ rights to intra-school and extra-school remedies are adequately safeguarded during the course of the proceedings， and puts forward proposals for institutional reform. The problem consciousness of this thesis comprises three aspects. The first concerns the overlap and inadequacy of functions among the organizational bodies: the Reception Review Meeting responsible for accepting cases suffers from insufficient screening efficacy and an excessively high rate of personnel overlap; while the School Affairs Meeting functionally overlaps in part with the Reception Review Meeting， the provisions also leave certain norms insufficiently defined， giving rise to concerns that the deliberative function of the School Affairs Meeting may be constrained. The second concerns the inadequacy of the parties′ rights to remedy. Internally， because Article 22， Paragraph 3 of the Dismissal Regulations renders the factual findings of the School Affairs Meeting′s investigation panel binding upon the Teacher Evaluation and Review Committee， the Committee is unable to alter those findings; coupled with the absence of any objection (shenfu) mechanism， the parties have no means of proactively initiating a remedy within the school. Externally， the competent authority′s remand for re-investigation constitutes merely a passive exercise of ex officio power， affording the parties no avenue to apply for it; moreover， administrative courts—invoking the purport of Judicial Yuan Interpretations No. 553 and No. 736—grant a margin of appreciation and adopt low-density review on the ground that such cases are highly personal and professional in nature. As a result， the crucial stage of factual determination is subject neither to any channel of remand within the school nor to substantive scrutiny outside it. The third concerns procedural defects. While the Dismissal Regulations exclude the parties′ right to confrontation and cross-examination， they establish no alternative procedure to compensate for the resulting loss of defensive function; as regards the right to state opinions， the provision permitting the investigation panel to interview the parties "as needed" likewise leaves open the possibility that no inquiry will be conducted at all. In terms of methodology， this thesis relies principally on the documentary analysis method and legal methodology， employing literal， systematic， historical， and constitutional methods of legal interpretation， supplemented by value-supplementation and gap-filling， to analyze the normative purport and lacunae of the Dismissal Regulations. In its examination of the procedural dimension， it draws by way of comparison on the organizational composition and the mechanisms for parties′ proactive remedy established under the Gender Equity Education Act and the Regulations on the Prevention and Handling of Campus Sexual Incidents. On the basis of the foregoing analysis， this thesis advances the following reform proposals. At the substantive level， it argues that the criteria for determining "teaching incompetence" should be elevated to the statutory level by expressly stipulating the authorizing basis in Article 16 of the Teachers′ Act， so as to conform to the principle of statutory reservation， and that a tiered design should furnish the Reception Review Meeting with clear criteria for judgment， thereby also serving to reduce frivolous complaints. At the procedural level， it advocates establishing an alternative procedure to substitute for the right of confrontation and cross-examination， and rendering the protection of the right to state opinions mandatory. At the level of remedy， it advocates drawing on the objection mechanism of the Gender Equity Education Act to grant the parties an avenue for proactively initiating a re-examination of the factual findings， and maintains that， in cases such as these which profoundly affect teachers′ right to work， administrative courts should not invariably bypass substantive review of the factual determination on the ground of the margin of appreciation， but should rather heighten the intensity of their review， so that the parties′ right to institute legal proceedings guaranteed by Article 16 of the Constitution may be given practical effect.

我國原住民文化權利之研究—以大法官釋字第803號解釋為中心;A Study on the Cultural Rights of Indigenous Peoples in Taiwan: Focusing on Judicial Yuan Interpretation No. 803

Tue, 20 Oct 2026 07:35:53 GMT

title: 我國原住民文化權利之研究—以大法官釋字第803號解釋為中心;A Study on the Cultural Rights of Indigenous Peoples in Taiwan: Focusing on Judicial Yuan Interpretation No. 803 abstract: 原住民族狩獵活動不僅具有取得生活資源之功能，更承載族群認同、知識傳承及文化延續等重要文化內涵，應受憲法保障。然而，長期以來原住民族傳統狩獵文化與國家法制間存有衝突，其中以王光祿狩獵案最具代表性。本文從文化權法理基礎及原住民族權利保障之發展脈絡出發，探討國家介入原住民文化之過程及影響，並從國際法及國內法層面分析原住民族文化權之法理基礎及憲法地位。其次，以大法官釋字第803號解釋及王光祿狩獵案為核心，檢視司法實務對原住民族狩獵文化權之理解與適用，及其對相關法制發展之影響。研究發現，我國對原住民族狩獵行為之規範，已由刑事管制為主，逐漸轉向兼顧原住民族文化權保障、生態保育及公共安全之多元價值。此一轉變不僅反映於司法實務對文化權保障之重視，亦體現於《原住民漁民自製獵槍魚槍許可及管理辦法》之訂定及《野生動物保育法》等相關法規之修正。然而，現行制度整體上仍以國家行政管理為主，原住民族在狩獵資源管理及制度決策上之參與程度仍有不足。基於上述研究發現，本文認為未來原住民族狩獵制度應進一步朝向共管制度發展，使原住民族由被管理者轉變為共同治理者。為此，本文提出建立部落自主管理之法源依據及建構跨部會狩獵管理合作平台等建議，以提升原住民族參與狩獵管理事務之程度。在尊重原住民族文化之前提下，兼顧生態保育與公共安全，透過建立完善制度，落實原住民族文化權實質保障。;Indigenous hunting practices not only serve subsistence purposes but also embody essential cultural dimensions such as ethnic identity， knowledge transmission， and cultural continuity; hence， they warrant constitutional protection. However， long-standing conflicts have persisted between Indigenous traditional hunting cultures and the state’s legal system， with the Wang Guanglu case serving as the most representative example. This thesis begins with the theoretical foundations of cultural rights and the developmental context of Indigenous rights protection， exploring the process and impact of state intervention in Indigenous cultures. It further analyzes the legal basis and constitutional status of Indigenous cultural rights from both international and domestic legal perspectives. Focusing on Judicial Yuan Interpretation No. 803 and the Wang Guanglu case， this study examines how judicial practice has understood and applied the cultural right to hunt， as well as its impact on relevant legal developments. The findings indicate that Taiwan’s regulation of Indigenous hunting has gradually shifted from a criminal prohibition-oriented regime toward a pluralistic framework that balances cultural rights protection， ecological conservation， and public safety. This transformation is reflected not only in judicial decisions but also in the enactment of the Regulations Governing Permission and Management of Homemade Hunting Guns and Spear Guns of Indigenous Peoples and Fishermen， as well as amendments to the Wildlife Conservation Act and other relevant regulations. However， the current system remains predominantly state-administered， leaving Indigenous peoples with limited participation in hunting resource management and policy decision-making. Based on these findings， this thesis argues that the Indigenous hunting system should further move toward a co-management regime， transforming Indigenous peoples from governed subjects into co-governors. Accordingly， this study proposes establishing a legal basis for indigenous self-management and a cross-ministerial cooperative platform for hunting management to enhance Indigenous participation in governance. Within the framework of respecting Indigenous culture while balancing ecological conservation and public safety， institutional reform should aim to ensure the substantive protection of Indigenous cultural rights.

拜登時期美國對「中」政策之研究-區域主義下的印太戰略分析;拜登時期美國對「中」政策之研究-區域主義下的印太戰略分析

Tue, 20 Oct 2026 07:35:51 GMT

title: 拜登時期美國對「中」政策之研究-區域主義下的印太戰略分析;拜登時期美國對「中」政策之研究-區域主義下的印太戰略分析 abstract: 冷戰結束以來，美中關係歷經由對抗走向交往，再回到戰略對抗的轉變。隨著中國綜合國力快速提升及其在區域與全球事務中的影響力不斷擴大，美國對中國的認知逐漸由潛在合作夥伴轉向主要戰略競爭者。此一角色定位的轉變，不僅深刻影響雙方互動模式，也牽動全球政治經濟格局的演變。本文以後冷戰時期為歷史脈絡，聚焦拜登政府時期美國對中政策，並以印太戰略為分析場域，從戰略競爭視角檢視美中在軍事、經濟與外交等多邊制度層面的互動與角力。本文結合新現實主義與自由主義等理論觀點，說明在結構性權力轉移下，強權國家既透過軍事與經濟手段展開競爭，也利用多邊制度與盟友網絡進行策略性合作與制衡。研究發現，在多邊主義與區域主義的交錯下，印太已成為美中競逐的核心舞台，雙方在制度規範與區域連結上展開長期競爭。習近平領導下的中國，持續透過挑戰美國的制度正當性與國際影響力推進其崛起進程；拜登政府則以民主價值、制度合作與盟友網絡重建為核心，試圖維持美國的全球領導地位。此種競爭已成為中美關係的主要型態，屬於長期且結構性的戰略角逐，並將深刻影響當代國際秩序的演變。相較於川普政府，拜登時期的印太戰略延續了中國為首要戰略競爭者的定位，但政策手段由單邊施壓轉向透過聯盟強化與多邊制度建構來達成制衡目標。同時，美方在特定全球性議題上保留合作空間，避免全面脫鉤。在軍事層面，美國強化在南海與印太地區的軍事存在，並深化安全夥伴關係以提升嚇阻能力；在經濟層面，則透過《印太經濟框架》（IPEF）強化供應鏈韌性與區域經濟整合。面對拜登政府的印太戰略，中國並未採取直接對抗，而是透過台海與南海政策強化區域影響力，並深化與東協及其他區域國家的經濟與制度連結（如「一帶一路」倡議），以削弱美國在印太的影響力，進而與美國主導的地緣政治競爭。中國的回應，並非僅止於對美國政策的反制，而是建立在其對區域秩序與大國競爭的長期戰略之上。;Since the end of the Cold War， U.S.–China relations have undergone a transformation from confrontation to engagement， and then back to strategic rivalry. As China’s comprehensive national power has rapidly grown and its influence in regional and global affairs has continued to expand， the United States’ perception of China has gradually shifted from a potential partner for cooperation to a primary strategic competitor. This shift in role definition has not only profoundly affected the patterns of interaction between the two countries， but has also reshaped the evolution of the global political and economic order. This paper takes the post–Cold War period as its historical context， focusing on U.S. policy toward China during the Biden administration. Using the Indo-Pacific strategy as the analytical framework， it examines U.S.–China interactions and competition across military， economic， and diplomatic multilateral institutional dimensions from the perspective of strategic rivalry. Drawing on theoretical perspectives such as neorealism and liberalism， this study explains that under conditions of structural power transition， major powers not only compete through military and economic means， but also engage in strategic cooperation and balancing through multilateral institutions and alliance networks. The findings suggest that， amid the intersection of multilateralism and regionalism， the Indo-Pacific has become the central arena of U.S.–China competition， where both sides are engaged in long-term rivalry over institutional norms and regional connectivity. Under the leadership of Xi Jinping， China continues to advance its rise by challenging the institutional legitimacy and international influence of the United States. Meanwhile， the Biden administration emphasizes democratic values， institutional cooperation， and the rebuilding of alliance networks in an effort to sustain U.S. global leadership. This competition has become the dominant pattern of U.S.China relations， representing a long-term and structural strategic contest that will profoundly shape the evolution of the contemporary international order. Compared with the Trump administration， the Biden administration’s Indo-Pacific strategy continues to define China as the primary strategic competitor， but shifts its policy instruments from unilateral pressure to strengthening alliances and constructing multilateral institutions to achieve balancing objectives. At the same time， the United States preserves space for cooperation on specific global issues in order to avoid full decoupling. At the military level， the United States has reinforced its presence in the South China Sea and the broader Indo-Pacific region， while deepening security partnerships to enhance deterrence. Economically， it promotes supply chain resilience and regional economic integration through the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework (IPEF). In response to the Biden administration’s Indo-Pacific strategy， China has not opted for direct confrontation; instead， it has sought to strengthen its regional influence through policies in the Taiwan Strait and the South China Sea， while deepening economic and institutional ties with ASEAN and other regional countries (such as through the Belt and Road Initiative). These efforts aim to weaken U.S. influence in the Indo-Pacific and to compete with U.S.-led geopolitical strategies. China’s response is not merely reactive to U.S. policy， but is rooted in its long term strategic vision for regional order and great-power competition.